Etude -COMMENT LA DÉSTRUCTURATION FAMILIALE REND VULNÉRABLE LA FEMME SÉNÉGALAISE (Par Dr Rokhaya CISSE)

Etude -COMMENT LA DÉSTRUCTURATION FAMILIALE REND VULNÉRABLE LA FEMME SÉNÉGALAISE (Par Dr Rokhaya CISSE)

A l’origine, la famille sénégalaise est organisée sur le mode des sociétés rurales. Il en ressort une structure hiérarchique plaçant le pouvoir de décision entre les mains du chef de famille et une subordination de tous les autres membres. Le mode de régulation était fondé sur une vie de groupe. L’espace domestique était intégré au mode de production agraire entrainant un contrôle du patrimoine par l’homme et les ainés. Progressivement, le contexte se transforme du fait de plusieurs déterminants, entre autres, l’urbanisation et les vulnérabilités multidimensionnelles qui ont eu pour effet la dégradation des conditions de vie.

Pour ce qui est de l’urbanisation, les prévisions font état d’une forte poussée des populations urbaines, d’ici 2035. Déjà en 2017, la population urbaine du Sénégal était estimée à 7 089 780 dont 3 529 300 pour Dakar soit 49,8%.[1]. Cependant, une multipolarité urbaine se profile avec le développement de nouveaux pôles urbains dans des régions des foyers de migrations, des capitales religieuses et des grandes zones de production.

Si l’on s’intéresse aux vulnérabilités ainsi que les chocs subis par les individus et les familles, celles-ci entrainent une situation de relégation sociale et un maintien des couches précaires dans leurs conditions d’origine. La mobilité sociale devient particulièrement faible. Les risques naturels liés aux changements climatiques, les risques sur le cycle de vie (décès, maladies chroniques…), les risques sociaux et économiques  comme en témoigne la précarisation des couches moyennes, tandis que les classes populaires sur plusieurs générations s’enlisent dans la pauvreté chronique. Les données du baromètre « Jàngandoo » en 2016, montrent que seulement 13% des familles estiment avoir des conditions de vie convenables, contre 43, 8% qui les jugent moyennes et enfin 42,7% qui les qualifient de modestes.

Dans ce contexte de mutations économiques et sociales,  les structures familiales évoluent également  dans des dynamiques de recomposition : relâchement de l’autorité des aînés, développement de familles réduites, expérimentation de formes d’unions exogamiques, entrée en union retardée, rapports distancés avec la zone d’origine. Les acteurs en reviennent à expérimenter d’autres activités lucratives par les femmes : petit commerce, création des réseaux d’entraide via les voisins, participations à des associations. Les changements des structures familiales ne favorisent pas les pratiques traditionnelles d’entraide et de co-veillance qui permettaient la mobilité sociale.

Les structures familiales évoluent vers des dynamiques de recomposition –

La configuration des structures familiales a subi des mutations importantes à travers le passage du rural à l’urbain. Le type d’habitation, les modes de résidence où la femme était parfois laissée dans la zone de provenance, les charges diverses (location, scolarité, etc.) ont contraint nombre de ces nouveaux candidats à la ville à une nouvelle vie.

Si la structure familiale traditionnelle était calquée sur le modèle villageois, agricole, elle s’en échappe de plus en plus. Le système du salariat fait que l’accès aux ressources est souvent individualisé. C’est au travailleur que revient son salaire. De ce point de vue, le modèle n’est plus celui de à la soumission à une autorité patriarcale centrale mais, de plus en plus, fait référence à d’autres modèles : émergence d’une famille plus restreinte, citadine, dont l’image est traduite à travers la location de chambres pour couples ou d’appartements. Quant aux jeunes, la ville leur offre souvent l’occasion de ne pas vivre les formes traditionnelles de l’autorité patriarcale. Ils louent des chambres, expérimentant, très tôt, la prise de responsabilités, pour ceux qui ont la chance de trouver un travail.

Globalement, on observe un relâchement de l’autorité des aînés, l’expérimentation de formes d’unions exogamiques, l’entrée en union retardée. Ces mutations s’opèrent dans un contexte de raréfaction des emplois et d’un surenchérissement du coût de la vie qui fait que la famille finit par développer des réflexes d’autoprotection en se repliant sur le noyau «père, mère, enfants »[2].

Les mutations dans les relations d’alliance –

L’étude des mutations des structures familiales est indissociable de celles des transformations des relations d’alliance. Des changements matrimoniaux et conjugaux sont largement documentés, depuis plusieurs décennies[3]. Ils dénotent une mutation des valeurs, des normes et des aspirations qui président aux unions. On note une accélération de ces transformations profondes, qui ont des incidences très fortes sur les itinéraires individuels tant féminins que masculins et également, par ricochet, sur le quotidien des enfants. La monoparentalié, les nouvelles formes polygamiques, l’augmentation des divorces, la croissance des naissances hors mariages sont autant d’indicateurs forts de ces mutations.

Par ailleurs, un nombre important de femmes (27%)[4], chefs de ménage, de fait (27%),[5] séparées, divorcées, veuves, célibataires…, se retrouvent seules à subvenir aux besoins de leur famille. Dans les zones de migrations importantes des hommes, les femmes et les filles se retrouvent dans des situations de vulnérabilité qui font qu’elles peuvent être davantage exposées à des violences de toutes sortes (sexuelles, physiques, morales et/ou psychologiques, sociales et économiques). Elles peuvent subir des violences intrafamiliales que les conditions de vie précaires au sein des familles viennent exacerber.

En définitive, les femmes qui font face seules à l’éducation des enfants sont de plus en plus nombreuses. Cependant, il est probable que les évolutions sociales particulièrement marquées en milieu urbain telles que l’amélioration de leur scolarisation, l’augmentation de leur nombre sur le marché du travail sont à même de faire évoluer ces modèles familiaux.

Des individualités ou des noyaux au sein de l’unité familiale –

La famille, qui a été longtemps la principale source de protection, manque maintenant, très souvent, de moyens pour assurer cette fonction, en raison d’une exposition à des vulnérabilités multiples, principalement économiques. Les nouvelles structures familiales laissent transparaître des individualités, ou noyaux face à la pression quotidienne.

Les femmes, au cœur de ces mutations des structures familiales, cumulent plusieurs handicaps : un faible accès aux ressources matérielles, un accès à l’emploi limité, un niveau d’éducation faible et un environnement socio-culturel pas toujours favorable. L’on observe une inadéquation notoire entre la proclamation des principes de l’égalité et leur situation réelle : les emplois, dans le secteur formel étant souvent réservés aux femmes instruites. Ainsi, de nombreuses femmes sénégalaises et plus particulièrement celles non instruites ou faiblement, entreprennent, individuellement ou collectivement, pour se prendre charge et améliorer leur situation économique et sociale.

Les mutations profondes, au sein des structures familiales ainsi que dans une catégorie spécifique que sont les femmes, débouchent sur une diversité de formes d’arrangements sociaux qui se substituent aux institutions sociales. Ceux-ci méritent d’être étudiés pour que leur potentiel transformationnel inspire les politiques.

Quelques incertitudes sur le devenir des familles –

En premier lieu, la faiblesse de la qualité du capital humain reste pendante avec les jeunes générations et les femmes qui continuent d’être exposées à toute une série de risques : des insuffisances dans la qualité des apprentissages, le chômage[6] ou le sous-emploi, les difficultés d’insertion sociale, le déficit de transferts de capital humain, social, culturel et économique. La relégation sociale et l’immobilité sociale restent une menace permanente.

La perte progressive de patrimoine  observée dans les trajectoires familiales est aussi à noter. En effet, les parents se retrouvent obligés de prendre en charge les enfants et petits-enfants. Cette pression sur un seul pourvoyeur de ressources de la famille se traduit par la nécessité d’exercer un emploi à un âge avancé ou à vendre des biens pour faire face aux charges du ménage. On observe, dès lors, une dégradation de la qualité de vie (accès aux soins de santé, alimentation de qualité, cohabitation dans des espaces limités ou déménagement dans des zones défavorisées…).

En milieu rural, les effets de la polygamie sur la répartition du patrimoine familial sont importants. Cette segmentation entre plusieurs noyaux familiaux a freiné le développement des grandes entreprises familiales.

Dans le domaine de la protection de l’enfance, le nombre important d’enfants qui expérimentent plusieurs formes de vulnérabilités, notamment dans les rues, appelle des mesures urgentes. De même, les politiques et les pratiques pour mieux soutenir la prise en charge et la protection des enfants, placés dans des familles et dans des cadres de type familial, restent à définir. Par ailleurs, l’éclatement et la reconfiguration de la famille, combinés aux autres facteurs aggravants de la précarité rendent obsolètes les barrières érigées à travers les valeurs morales et sociétales. Dès lors que les valeurs de solidarité et de co-veillance peinent à être opératoires, la porte reste ouverte aux violences et abus, en particulier, les abus sexuels y compris au cœur des familles[7].

Les abus sexuels ne sont pas seulement effectifs que dans les espaces publics mais, bien plus souvent, au sein des espaces domestiques. Les enfants ne sont pas, toujours, en sécurité dans la sphère de proximité. Les espaces domestiques sont aussi des lieux qui abritent une diversité de formes de violence envers les enfants tels que les châtiments corporels, les violences symboliques (insultes…), et autres privations (éducation, nourriture, vêtements…). L’ouvrage sur le confiage des enfants, publié par le Lartes en 2018 a révélé que 8 % des enfants interrogés mentionnent des cas de maltraitance allant de la violence symbolique à la violence verbale ou physique. En effet, contrairement aux transferts d’enfants harmonieux, en tant que pratique culturelle ancrée au sein de la parenté proche, certains transferts se développent sous une certaine contrainte et peuvent placer l’enfant dans un état de grande vulnérabilité.

Les familles issues des couches défavorisées connaissent des dynamiques d’exclusion sociale qui résultent de la sévérité des chocs multiples subis par les structures et leur incapacité à y faire face. Elles savent qu’ils sont déjà dans la survie et ne se remettront pas d’un choc supplémentaire à cause de la faible capacité à se défendre en cas de pertes dommageables (décès, maladie chronique, perte de récoltes, inondations…). Cette incapacité d’action et de mobilisation de l’aide des couches moyennes qui se retrouvent elles-mêmes précarisées, restreint les possibilités de choix dans toutes les sphères de la vie. On peut noter ces restrictions dans l’alimentation, l’habitat, la mobilité, l’accès à l’école la santé… N’ayant donc presque aucune possibilité d’agir et de contrôler leur environnement, les interactions avec les institutions même relevant du service public sont fortement appréhendées et se teintent d’angoisse. Celle-ci est renforcée par le fait que ces pauvres habitent souvent dans des zones en périphérie, conséquence de la relégation sociale et géographique dont ils font l’objet. Ce qui limite les contacts avec l’extérieur, l’accès à l’information, aux services essentiels et opportunités d’emplois. Rester dans le corps social devient un défi car la restriction des relations avec les autres, procède généralement d’une stratégie de protection contre la stigmatisation induite par la situation de pauvreté. L’autolimitation est opérante au point de produire une anticipation des difficultés liées à la vie communautaire. [8]

Des structures familiales résilientes –

Face à ces mutations et contraintes, les structures familiales se reconfigurent. Elles s’ajustent à travers des stratégies de sécurisation pour maintenir ou améliorer le niveau de vie et prévenir les chocs.  De nouveaux arrangements se mettent en place, au sein des structures familiales. Les stratégies résidentielles changent et les générations cohabitent, le plus souvent, sous la forme de noyaux familiaux, avec des règles de réciprocité et de partage bien définies.

La mobilité est également l’une de ces réponses qui a mobilisé un nombre considérable d’actifs, à la fois, dans les zones rurales et au sein des populations socialisées, dans les villes. Les migrations internationales se sont généralisées avec une diversification des profils des candidats au départ. La migration a cessé d’être très sélective car les profils se sont diversifiés.

L’entreprenariat populaire avec le développement des activités menées par les femmes, notamment, dans l’entreprenariat populaire et l’économie sociale. Les femmes mettent en œuvre des stratégies de survie qui vont leur conférer un rôle de premier plan dans la gestion de l’économie domestique. Il n’est pas rare que les femmes se retrouvent à assumer, seules, la responsabilité de trouver les ressources nécessaires à la préparation des repas quotidiens.

Ces efforts de « colmatage » des ressources favorisent, dans le même temps, la revitalisation des liens sociaux, dans la mesure où ils participent de la réhabilitation sociale des familles en leur donnant une opportunité d’affirmer leur statut dans le corps social. La finalité étant le renforcement des solidarités par l’investissement dans le capital familial.

La capacité des femmes à mobiliser des ressources et à favoriser la création de richesses dans l’espace domestique à travers une consommation plus responsable et la valorisation des produits locaux est un des leviers les plus édifiants pour lutter contre la précarité. Les femmes ne sont pas les seules mises à contribution pour mobiliser des ressources, il y a aussi certaines catégories, notamment, les personnes âgées et les enfants dont la contribution s’érige désormais presque en obligation.

De même, l’élan de l’entreprenariat populaire porté par les jeunes et son potentiel de créativité en dehors des circuits normatifs, s’il s’accompagne d’investissements structurants devrait avoir pour effet la création d’emplois décents en milieu urbain comme en milieu rural et briser les chaines de la transmission de la pauvreté.

– Pour des structures familiales solidaires et créatrices de richesses –

Pour restaurer les structures familiales dans leur fonction de protection, de création et mutualisation des richesses, il serait opportun de mutualiser les différents programmes de filets sociaux en cours, afin de permettre l’élaboration de paquets de programmes plus adaptés à la diversité des situations. Faire de l’unité familiale un cadre d’ancrage des différentes interventions sectorielles au niveau des politiques publiques serait un gage de réussite de celles-ci.

Un premier axe serait l’élargissement de la protection sociale aux familles pauvres ou vulnérables de manière à les aider à mieux gérer le risque et à leur fournir un appui ciblé. Pour cela, les aides sociales sous forme d’allocations régulières doivent être renforcées (transferts monétaires, mutuelles de santé, nutrition communautaire, extension de la sécurité sociale).

En somme des mesures d’équité sociale demeurent nécessaires pour protéger les familles contre les risques sociaux et économiques en termes d’accès à la propriété, au crédit, aux biens et services, ainsi que des mesures de discrimination positive pour remédier aux ségrégations.

Une deuxième voie réside dans une meilleure planification de l’arrivée des nouvelles générations qui se trouvent plus importantes que les personnes âgées. De plus, il faut noter que le décalage important entre l’âge des parents et les enfants, induit des situations de décapitalisation et de perte de patrimoine des générations ascendantes pour soutenir les nouvelles générations.

Une troisième voie pourrait être le soutien au potentiel de création de richesses par les familles et les communautés par l’entreprenariat populaire et l’économie sociale. Celles-ci ont démontré leurs capacités à produire, créer des emplois et à mutualiser les ressources selon leurs besoins (surtout dans les services de proximité) à travers plusieurs modalités que sont les associations, les coopératives, les mutuelles et les entreprises sociales.

Le développement de l’entreprenariat populaire et l’économie sociale en tant qu’une « autre manière » de créer de la richesse présente l’avantage de rompre le cercle vicieux des vulnérabilités et de resserrer les liens sociaux en réhabilitant les solidarités horizontales au sein des structures familiales.

#Enjeux2019

Dr Rokhaya Cissé est Titulaire d’un Doctorat d’université de sociologie de l’Université Cheikh Anta Diop de Dakar, Maitre de Conférences assimilé au sein du Laboratoire de Recherche sur les Transformations Economiques et Sociales de l’Institut Fondamental d’Afrique Noire (IFAN/UCAD). Ses domaines de recherche portent sur l’étude des changements sociaux dans les domaines de l’éducation, la famille et l’enfance, la santé, ainsi que sur les questions de pauvreté, inégalités et vulnérabilités.

[1]

Source: http://www.ansd.sn/ressources/publications/Rapport_population_2017_05042018.pdf

[2] CISSE Rokhaya., FALL Abdou Salam, ADJAMAGBO Agnès, ATTANE Anne (2017), Thème : Parentalité In : Vidal Laurent (coord.). Renforcement de la recherche en sciences sociales en appui des priorités régionales du bureau Régional Afrique de l’Ouest et centrale de l’Unicef (WCARO) : analyses thématiques. Dakar (SEN), Dakar: IRD, Unicef, p. 34-52 multigr.

[3] Marcoux R., Antoine P, 2014, editors. Le Mariage En Afrique: Pluralité des formes et des modèles matrimoniaux. 1st ed, vol. 1, Québec, Presses De l’Université Du Québec.

[4] Agence Nationale de la Statistique et de la Démographie, Situation économique et sociale du Sénégal, version définitive, février 2013.

[5] Ibidem.

[6] Les jeunes entre 15 et 24 ans sont en chômage dans une proportion de 12,7% (ANSD, 2013).

[7] FALL Abdou Salam , CISSE Rokhaya, 2018, « Le confiage des enfants au Sénégal : Ay yaxam rekk lañu la laaj », Nouvelles Editions Numériques Africaines (NENA), Dakar ISBN : 978-237015-975-5, 210 p.

[8] CISSE Rokhaya (2014), L’héritage de la pauvreté : entre récurrence, rupture et résilience dans les trajectoires des pauvres au Sénégal », l’Harmattan, Collection Populations,. ISBN : 978-2-343-03415-7, 229 p.

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You could certainly see your enthusiasm in the work you write. The arena hopes for even more passionate writers like you who aren’t afraid to say how they believe. At all times go after your heart. « Until you’ve lost your reputation, you never realize what a burden it was. » by Margaret Mitchell.

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One thing I’d like to touch upon is that weightloss program fast may be accomplished by the suitable diet and exercise. Ones size not only affects the look, but also the complete quality of life. Self-esteem, major depression, health risks, and also physical capabilities are disturbed in excess weight. It is possible to just make everything right but still gain. If this happens, a medical problem may be the primary cause. While excessive food and never enough exercising are usually the culprit, common medical ailments and traditionally used prescriptions can certainly greatly add to size. Thanks for your post right here.

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